Figure 1. Map of DRC in Africa (Vandiver, 2011).
Conflict minerals mined in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) include tin, tantalum, and tungsten and gold (CAP, 2014a). The eastern DRC holds a large supply of these minerals that are vital components used for manufacturing mobile phones, jewelry, and many other electronic products (CAP, 2014a). The world-wide demand for mobile phones and other products containing minerals mined in the DRC results in a major violent and armed conflict funded by the consumer.
Kinshasa is the capital
city of the DRC, where the government is weak and corrupt
(Gettleman, 2013). There are countless illegal
armed groups associated with political or economic objectives outside of the
Congolese military, which is corrupt itself. Armed groups use rape and violence
to instill fear among people so that they can control the mines and have access
to the minerals, which they use to fund their battles. The eastern DRC is
secluded and has become an area of complete chaos as rebel groups steal these
minerals and gain control (Gettleman, 2013). This
is the deadliest conflict since World War II and over 5.4 million people have
lost their lives to war-related causes (CAP, 2014a). The
current legislation for companies that use these minerals in manufacturing their
products is the Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act, which
states that these minerals must be sourced, and the chain of custody must be
disclosed in an annual report (Balijko, 2013). This
law is currently voluntary, and must be reformed in order to keep conflict
minerals out of supply chains so the sale of them cannot fund violence.
|
Figure 1. Map of DRC in Africa (Vandiver, 2011). |
The Democratic Republic of the Congo is located in central Africa (Figure 1). Years of political upheaval, civil war, and ethnic strife, topped off by a massive inflow of refugees in 1994 from fighting in Rwanda and Burundi, has left this country with a weak and corrupt government (CIA, 2014). Home to over 77 million people and over 200 African ethnic groups, the DRC is slightly less than one-fourth the size of the US and is rich with various natural resources (CIA, 2014). The DRC has consistently scored extremely poorly in global health and poverty rankings, yet the U.N. Environmental Program estimated that the wealth of the country is over 24 trillion dollars (Mbubi, 2012). This unseen wealth is due to the collapse of the state-regulated mining industry as control over mines has disintegrated and been taken over by illegal armed groups (Mbubi, 2012). Currently, renewed conflict has led to mass amounts of human rights abuses and the displacement of over 2 million people (CAP, 2014a). Child labor is rampant here, accounting for an estimated 42% of children between the ages of five and fourteen (Figure 4) (CIA, 2014).
Despite the common name “conflict minerals”, tin, tantalum, tungsten, and gold are actually elements that can be found on the periodic table, and are mined from conflict minerals. But for the sake of the common name “conflict minerals”, these elements will be referred to as minerals throughout this website. These minerals are made into products for many different industries, such as healthcare, industrial manufacturing, electronics aerospace, jewelry, and automotive (McCrae, 2013). The mineral tantalum, mined in the eastern DRC from a mineral ore called coltan or columbite-tantalite, plays a great role in the DRC’s conflict (Mbubi, 2012). Tantalum is a rare, hard, lustrous metal that is highly corrosion resistant (Graphic News, n.d.). This anticorrosive heat conductor is extremely powerful, and is able to store energy in cell phones, laptops, and is also used in aerospace and medical equipment as alloys (Mbubi, 2012). Other uses for tantalum include jet engine components, carbide tools and as a general capacitor for electrical storage (DD, 2014). The DRC is a significant producer of mined tantalum (Figure 2). The U.S. Geological Survey estimates that the DRC produces a substantial percent of the world’s supply, totaling 87 metric tons, which is equivalent to 12.99% of the world’s supply produced in 2009 (McCrae, 2013). One common illegal trade route of Congolese tantalum is one that crosses the border to Rwanda, where it is disguised as Rwandan (Mbubi, 2012).
Tin is a silvery, malleable metal that does not easily oxidize in air that is extracted from its mineral source cassiterite (Graphic News, n.d.). Tin has many uses in electrical devices, including circuit board solders, which is a low-melting alloy used for joining less fusible metals, solders for joining pipes, battery anodes (positively charged electrode by which the electrons leave a device), tin plating of steel, alloys (bronze, brass, pewter), as well as for packaging (DD, 2014). The U.S. Geological Survey estimates that about 3.62% of the world’s supply was produced from the DRC in 2009, which is 9,400 metric tons (McCrae, 2013).
Tungsten is a hard, rare metal that comes from the mineral Wolframite, which translates to heavy stone in Swedish (Graphic News, n.d.). When a mobile phone vibrates as a signal that a text message has been received, this is because of tungsten. Tungsten is used in electronics as a vibration motor, as well as for metal wires, electrodes, electrical contacts, and heating and welding applications (DD, 2014). About 170 metric tons of tungsten was produced from the DRC in 2009, accounting for 0.28% of the world’s supply (McCrae, 2013).
Gold is a dense, soft, malleable metal found in nuggets or grains in rock and alluvial deposits. It can be used to make wiring connectors, electric plating and integrated circuit, and most commonly known to be made into jewelry. In 2009, two tons of gold were mined in the DRC accounting for 0.08% of the world’s supply (McCrae, 2013). Although this is only a small fraction of the total supply of the world, the impact that this mineral has on the Congolese people is still great.
Figure 2. Global Mined Tantalum (Wikipedia, 2011) |
 Figure 3. Democratic Republic of Congo’s Poor Development (BBC, 2011). |
Although the DRC is the 12th largest country in the world and has an abundance of mineral resources, the years of war, corruption and poor economic management have left this country in poverty (BBC, 2011). The life expectancy is much shorter when compared to the rest of the world, and the infant mortality rate is much higher (Figure 3) (BBC, 2011). The level of education in the DRC is also much lower, while the gross national income in the DRC is at an extreme low (BBC, 2011).
With such an unstable economy and grueling poverty (Figure 2), few companies are willing to invest in this country, which further allows the economy to remain stagnant (CAP, 2008). The few international companies who have invested in the DRC are predominantly interested in resource-extraction, just as the Congolese military and all the other armed groups are (CAP, 2008). These companies do very little in helping the local populations and further aggravate the competition between armed groups (CAP, 2008).
The economic decline and conflict has affected women, particularly
widows, in a very harmful way (CAP, 2008). Women in the DRC are the
primary caretakers of the household and family (CAP, 2008).
With numerous
men killed or driven away from their families by armed groups, many
women have
been forced to find ways to support their family (CAP, 2008). Begging
and prostitution may be the only options for widows who have lost with
their spouse any sort of income and protection (CAP, 2008). Women are at
great risk for attack as they do necessary tasks that involve leaving
safe zones to collect firewood or water in order to provide for their
families (CAP, 2008). Displacement and chaos only adds to this problem,
decreasing the ability for these people to reach out to their extended
families for help when needed (CAP, 2008). The
number of Congolese that have been driven from their home in the eastern
DRC now exceeds 2
million (CAP,
2014a). Large populations of people have now live in camps
together after they have been forced to leave their homes
(CAP, 2008).
These camps do not offer much protection and are continuously at risk of
being attacked by militias (CAP, 2008). It is
unimaginable how difficult it would be to try to properly care for your
family in this type of setting. There are some humanitarian
organizations that supply essentials and care to these camps, but living
in this kind of setting still makes it impossible to earn a living and
therefore give your family adequate care.
Throughout the DRC’s grim history, the mission to exploit the country’s natural resources has consistently been the primary motivation for all of the barbarity and conflicts (CAP, 2008). The Congolese military is well known for being corrupt and guilty of abusing the very people they are supposed to protect (CAP, 2008). Many of the soldiers themselves also live in terrible conditions, are often unpaid, and frequently end up looting or stealing to "pay themselves" (CAP, 2008). Over the past few decades, thousands of armed groups have tried to gain control in the DRC. Armed groups are classified by their use of force to achieve political and/or economic goals, and are those that are not within the formal military structures of states, state alliances, or intergovernmental organizations (CAP, 2014b). They are not under control of any state and can include rebel movements, ethnic militias, and economic and military entrepreneurs (CAP, 2014b). An estimated thirty thousand children are forced to enlist and fight in armed groups (Mbubi, 2012).
During the previous Congo wars from 1996 to 1997 and 1998 to 2003, nine countries were tangled in the DRC's conflict with over 40 rebel groups involved (CAP, 2014b). Throughout these years and still today, the Congolese military had also been involved with the conflict, adding to the abuse of human rights that has occurred throughout. Currently, armed groups in operation in the eastern Congo can be categorized into three main groups: the Rwandan Hutu FDLR (Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda), M23 supported by Rwanda and Uganda, and numerous local armed "Mai Mai" groups (CAP, 2014b). All of these groups share a common goal: to gain control and access to the areas rich with mineral resources in order to fund their battle and be able to continue fighting (CAP, 2014b).
The most recent rebellion, called “M23”, began when 300 soldiers from the
Congolese Army chose to revolt against the Congolese government
(CAP, 2014b). The
group called M23 attained this name in reference to an earlier peace agreement
concluded on March 23, 2009, that was supposed to integrate the National
Congress for the Defense of the People (CNDP) into the national army
(CAP, 2014b). The M23 rebels instigated this recent rebellion as a result of their
claims that the Congolese government failed to uphold its side of the 2009 peace
agreement
(CAP, 2014b). What began with 300 soldiers led to more than 1,500
troops in alliance with M23, while their fighting displaced hundreds of
thousands of people
(CAP, 2014b). M23 rebels were not defeated until November
2013, after the Congolese army forces finally gained ground and took the last of
the rebel’s strongholds
(CAP, 2014b). The victory was made possible in part by a
global activist movement demanding an end to the violence and a ban on the
country’s conflict minerals trade, as well as from rigorous international
diplomacy and action
(CAP, 2014b). The leaders of M23 included Bosco Ntaganda and
Sultani Makenga, who finally admitted defeat and also agreed to lay down all
weapons and move forward using only diplomatic means
(CAP, 2014b).
Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR)
The Democratic
Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR) is the largest and one of the most
powerful armed groups operating in the eastern DRC today
(CAP, 2014b). This armed
group was originally formed by Rwandan exiles, who were the offenders of the
1994 Rwandan genocide, but currently most of the FDLR soldiers are recruits from
those living in refugee camps in the eastern Congo
(CAP, 2014b). It is estimated
that 1,000 to 2,000 FDLR fighters are currently in operation, and they receive
assistance from Rwandans in Africa, Europe, and even in the US, despite the fact
that the FDLR is on the U.S. State Department list of terrorist organizations
(CAP, 2014b).
National Congress for the Defense of the People (CNDP)
The National
Congress for the Defense of the People (CNDP) was a rebel group that morphed
into a political party and broke up in April 2014
(CAP, 2014b). It was originally
founded in 2006 by Laurent Nkunda with a goal of protecting the Tutsi minority
in the eastern Congo against discrimination and maltreatment, particularly that
which was directed at the Tutsi by the FDLR
(CAP, 2014b). Nkunda was formerly a
major of the Rally for Congolese Democracy rebel group that played a large part
in the Second Congo War from 1998 to 2003
(CAP, 2014b). Prior to becoming a
political party in 2009 when it was renamed the ex-CNDP, the CNDP was considered
to be the most vicious armed group in the eastern DRC due to its horrible crimes
against human rights
(CAP, 2014b). After a joint Rwanda-Congo military campaign
against the CNDP, Nkunda was arrested, and Bosco Ntaganda took his place as
leader
(CAP, 2014b). Bosco then signed the M23 peace agreement with the Congolese
army, agreeing to integrate with their army, but the integration did not happen
as it should have
(CAP, 2014b). From 2009 to 2012, Bosco’s former rebels operated
as their own army within the FARDC army, and the CNDP were able to gain control
of the eastern DRC’s minerals trade
(CAP, 2014b). On April 4, 2012, the M23
rebellion was formed, consisting mostly of former CNDP rebels
(CAP, 2014b).
Mai Mai Militias
Mai Mai is a loosely assembled group of Congolese militia
operating in eastern DRC
(CAP, 2014b). Currently, there are six main groups
operating in the Kivus region of the DRC: Resistance Nationale Congolaise,
Mai-Mai Kirikicho, Mai-Mai Fujo, Mai-Mai Nyakiliba, Raia Mutomboki, and the
Mai-Mai Yakutumba (CAP, 2014). The largest Mai Mai group is the Coalition of
Congolese Patriotic Resistance
(CAP, 2014b). These groups are often formed by
soldiers who refuse to join into FARDC reintegration processes, and believe that
the land should belong to its indigenous people
(CAP, 2014b). Mai Mai groups view
the Hutu and Tutsi peoples as a threat and believe them to be foreigners that
are only trying to take over their land and gain power
(CAP, 2014b). Although Mai
Mai groups are not associated with any political or racial affiliations, they
all aggressively target civilians and U.N. peacekeeping forces in the DRC
(CAP, 2014b).
The Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA)
The LRA is a Ugandan rebel group that has
been around and active since the 1980’s, and is led by the widely-known Joseph
Kony
(CAP, 2014b). It is currently unknown whether or not the LRA has any
political objectives, but is nevertheless a ruthless militia that has been
ruthlessly attacking communities in the Central African Republic and the eastern
DRC for many years
(CAP, 2014b). Violence has been directed towards civilians and
local communities in the form of massacring innocent people, destroying
villages, and abducting children whom they force to serve as soldiers and sex
slaves, in order to control the land and the people
(CAP, 2014b).
 |
Figure 4. Child Miners (Buxbaum, n.d.)
The eastern DRC is considered to be the most dangerous place on Earth
for women (CAP, 2008). Rape is used as a violent weapon to instill
fear among the people (CAP, 2008). The twisted
idea is that if they terrorize the women first, everyone else will steer
clear of areas that armed groups want to control (CAP, 2008).
These areas include the mines that hold a vast supply of the DRC’s
natural resources such as tin, tungsten, tantalum and gold. These
resources finance many different armed groups, and they will stop at
nothing to be in control of the land that holds these precious elements (CAP, 2008). The corrupt soldiers of the Congolese military,
who are supposed to protect citizens from violence, often view attacking
women as a "benefit" of carrying a gun for the state
(CAP, 2008).
Members of lawless militia groups sometimes force local Congolese women
to be their wives, and do not hesitate to use rape to keep the local
population intimidated and fearful of them (CAP, 2008).
Another consequence of this prolonged conflict over these natural
resources is the lack of a health care system (CAP, 2008).
The Congolese healthcare system that was in place at one time has
completely collapsed, leaving tens of thousands of women who have
survived sexual violence with no available medical attention
(CAP, 2008). Not only do they not receive the
physical medical attention that they need, but they also must go on
living without medically addressing the psychological scars that they
must live with (CAP, 2008). No health care system
also means that there are no psychological counselors or rehabilitation
programs (CAP, 2008). Lack of medical care also
leaves the Congolese people unable to prevent or be treated for common
diseases such as cholera and malaria (CAP, 2008).
The Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act, previously known as ‘The Congo Conflict-Free Minerals Act’, was set in motion in 2011 (Resolution Possible, 2014). Hidden amongst over 2,000 pages of other issues in this bill is Section 1502, which requires an annual disclosure of any conflict minerals used in products that are necessary to its functionality or production, originating in the DRC or an adjoining country (Balijko, 2013). If a company did use conflict minerals from the DRC, they must also provide a report describing measures taken to exercise due diligence on the source and chain of custody of those minerals, including an independent private sector audit of the report (SEC, 2013). Section 1503 of this act requires any reporting issuer that is a mine operator to disclose in each periodic report filed with the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission information related to health and safety violations, including the number of violations, orders, and citations received from the Mine Safety and Health Administration (SEC, 2013). The logic behind the Dodd-Frank legislation is that if companies follow through with supply chain-related due diligence and traceability measures and can determine that the minerals they use come from mines and smelters that are not associated with rebel trading activities, then the armed militias are less likely able to gain funds from smuggled mineral ores or mines operated under illegal and violent tactics (Balijko, 2013).
In response to the Dodd-Frank Act as well as the
growing consumer demand for electronics free of conflict minerals that
fuel the ongoing war in the eastern Congo, a report that ranks
electronics companies on their progress toward following this Act was
produced by the Enough Project (Enough, 2010). The Enough Project is a
development of the Center for American Progress dedicated to ending
crimes against humanity such as the crises in the eastern Congo
(Enough, 2010). These rankings are not only meant to provide consumers with the
information about companies that they need in order to purchase
electronics responsibly, but also to encourage companies to take the
necessary actions to help remove conflict minerals from their supply
chains (Enough, 2010). These companies also have the power to influence
their suppliers that they buy minerals from, so pressure to supply
conflict-free minerals can be exerted down the supply chain
(Enough, 2010). This is a model of change that was previously proven successful
in the case of conflict diamonds in the apparel industry
(Enough, 2010).
The chosen companies are the leaders in five main
consumer electronics products: mobile phones, computers, MP3 players,
video game systems, and televisions (Figure 5) (Enough, 2010).
2. Auditing: Has the company had audits conducted
on its suppliers of the 3TG elements to determine the mine it came from and the
chain of custody (Enough, 2010)?
3. Certification: Has the company taken the steps necessary in
order to develop an international certification system for the 3TG minerals (Enough, 2010)?
4.
Stakeholder engagement: Has the company been consistently communicating with
non-governmental organizations led by the Enough Project on the conflict
minerals issue (Enough, 2010)?
5. Support for legislation: Has the company supported the
legislations regarding the conflict minerals issue (Enough, 2010)?
Figure 5. Electronic Companies Progress (Enough, 2010). |
Figure 6. Mobile Cellular Subscriptions Demand (Wilson, 2014). |
A new product called Fairphone is one option that may be suitable for some as a way to help combat the sale conflict minerals. Their first handset produced contains conflict-free minerals, tin and tantalum from the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The goal of the creation of the new “ethical smartphone” was to put the environment and people first, by creating a customer demand for a product that focuses on improving social and environmental conditions (Wernink, 2013). Throwing a phone away and exchanging it for a Fairphone may not be a realistic or logical solution for everyone, but there are many other ideas out there that can help.
There are small things that consumers can do, such as recycling electronics.
When the phone company offers a new upgrade, think twice about whether or not it
is really necessary because for every phone sold, a new one must be created to
replace that empty spot on the shelf. Our throw-away materialistic society only
aids to the increasing demand for more electronics (Figure 6), therefore
allowing more funding for the conflict in the DRC. However, cell phones are
great technological advance that has had so many positive outcomes. Yet
ironically, the technology found in cell phones is the same technology that has, and will
continue to allow for communicating the conflict in the DRC to others
(Mbubi, 2012). However, people must question what is in their cell phones, where it
comes from, and who benefits from the purchase of it (Mbubi, 2012). We must be
sure that money spent on products is not perpetuating violence further. Also,
conflict minerals are in more than just electronics. Demand from these companies
to have conflict-free jewelry and conflict-free vehicles. The lack of mineral
sourcing by industries that use these minerals is just one small part of the
reason that the conflict in the DRC has been able to continue, given that their
government is weak and corrupt, but it is still important that every part of the
problem must be addressed. The Dodd-Frank Act was a huge accomplishment, but
there is still more to be done. This law is currently voluntary, and must be
reformed in order to keep conflict minerals out of supply chains so the sale of
them cannot fund violence.
Send this Action Letter to your State Representative of Congress. The directory of representatives can be found here.
Send this Action Letter to major electronic companies such as HP, Intel, Microsoft, and Apple Inc.
Balijko, 2013. Conflict Minerals, Facing
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